This Passover, Israel embraces the politics of execution
It’s the first day of Passover, the Jewish holiday commemorating the Exodus of the Israelites from slavery in Egypt - a festival often described as a celebration of freedom.
Between the sounds of sirens piercing the city noise, families rush to complete last-minute grocery shopping for the evening’s Seder meal.
Along the beaches of Tel Aviv, however, the atmosphere reflects the familiar rhythms of a public holiday. Joggers trace the shoreline, and groups of young people gather to play matkot (beach paddle) in the spring sun.
As I pass by a beachside restaurant, I catch a glimpse of a headline on one of the local TV channels: “Executions will be by hanging."
Earlier this week, Israel’s parliament passed a controversial, one-sided bill that allows military courts to impose the death penalty on Palestinians convicted of killing Israelis in acts of “terror”. The courts will not impose the same penalty on Jewish Israelis convicted of killing Palestinians.
The legislation, long championed by far-right lawmakers, marks a significant escalation in Israel’s dealings with the Palestinians under its control.
While Israeli law has historically allowed for capital punishment only in exceptional circumstances, this new measure seeks to expand its application specifically to Palestinians. For many Palestinians, however, the law does not represent a rupture, but rather a formalisation of an existing reality.
Pattern of violence
Extrajudicial killings by Israeli forces and settlers have long been documented across the occupied territories.
Just two weeks ago, the Bani Odeh family were driving home after purchasing their Eid clothes, when Israeli forces opened fire on their vehicle. The attack killed the parents and two of their children.
Incidents such as this are not isolated. They are part of a broader pattern of violence that has intensified in recent years, particularly since National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir assumed office.
For years, Palestinians have routinely been shot dead by Israeli forces under the assertion that they posed an immediate threat - accused of carrying a knife, or attempting a car-ramming attack.
These practices, once justified as exceptional security measures, now appear increasingly embedded in the broader framework of control
In many cases, there is no trial, and little evidence of attempts to arrest. The result is a system in which lethal force is frequently the first, rather than the last, resort.
At the same time, Israel has developed a long-standing policy of targeted assassinations, becoming one of the most prominent practitioners of such operations.
These practices, once justified as exceptional security measures, now appear increasingly embedded in the broader framework of control.
Statements by Israeli officials further underscore this shift. MK Yitzhak Kroizer recently said: “There are no innocent civilians, no innocent children in Jenin … I stand behind [Israeli] soldiers in every situation.”
MK Aida Touma-Sliman, one of a handful of dissenting voices, issued a stark warning before the final vote on the death penalty legislation: “Will we soon start seeing people hanging from the gallows, with a crowd cheering it on? Can you see that happening before your eyes?” she asked.
“This law is not humane. It shatters any hope that there will be a real democracy here,” she added. “We will not stand idly by, nor will we stand by as human lives are taken.”
According to the Israeli human rights organisation B’Tselem, at least 1,050 Palestinians have been killed in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem since October 2023. Of these, at least 29 were killed by Israeli settlers.
Kahanism has endured
At the same time, conditions within Israeli prisons have deteriorated significantly. Under the leadership of Ben Gvir, Israel has implemented an aggressive incarceration campaign targeting Palestinians.
According to Physicians for Human Rights Israel (PHRI), more than 100 Palestinian prisoners have died in Israeli custody since the start of the war on Gaza. Tens of thousands of Palestinians have been detained, with prisons becoming centres of abuse, neglect and systemic violence.
The passage of the death penalty law, supported by the governing coalition and opposition figures from the Yisrael Beiteinu party, signals a deeper transformation within Israeli society.
What was once considered fringe has now moved decisively into the mainstream. Kahanism, the ultranationalist ideology associated with the late rabbi Meir Kahane, has re-emerged with renewed force.
Kahane founded the Kach movement in 1971, campaigning on an explicitly racist platform that called for the expulsion of Palestinians from historic Palestine, the segregation of Jewish and Arab populations, and the establishment of a theocratic Jewish state.
When he entered the Knesset in 1984, he used his platform to openly advocate stripping Palestinians of citizenship and rights. His rhetoric was so extreme that even within Israel’s political system, he was widely condemned.
Kach was eventually banned and designated a terrorist organisation after one of its followers carried out the 1994 massacre at the Ibrahimi Mosque in Hebron, killing 29 Palestinian worshippers.
Yet Kahane’s ideas never disappeared. Since the 7 October attacks, stickers proclaiming “Kahane is back” have become a common sight on Israeli streets and cars.
What was once dismissed as extremist ideology is increasingly visible in public life - and, more significantly, in state policy.
Shaping the future
His ideology persists and is embodied by figures such as Ben Gvir, who was both a student and an activist within the Kach movement. In 2022, Ben Gvir publicly honoured Kahane, praising his legacy and reaffirming his influence.
Today, as a central figure in Israel’s government, Ben Gvir is no longer a marginal activist, but a policymaker shaping the state’s direction. What was once the agenda of extremists has steadily been absorbed into the political mainstream, culminating in legislation such as the death penalty law.
On Monday, when the passage of the law was announced, it was met with celebration by Ben Gvir and other Israeli lawmakers. He marked the moment by popping a bottle of wine and dancing with his colleagues.
From the margins to the mainstream, the ideology he represents is no longer peripheral - it is increasingly central to the policies shaping Israel's present and future
From the margins to the mainstream, the ideology he represents is no longer peripheral - it is increasingly central to the policies shaping Israel’s present and future.
This Passover, on a day meant to commemorate liberation, the contrast is stark. As families gather to celebrate freedom, this new law signals a tightening grip over the Palestinian people.
In May 2021, I covered Jerusalem Day and spoke to crowds of young Israelis, many of whom said that Ben Gvir should be the country’s next prime minister. At the time, the idea still seemed implausible.
When I relayed those conversations to an Israeli journalist and analyst, he dismissed it outright: even in your dreams, Ben Gvir would never be allowed into government. The state, he insisted, would never legitimise someone once marginalised, repeatedly accused of extremism, and associated with movements long deemed beyond the pale.
And yet today, that same figure is not only in government, but at its centre - helping shape the present and future of Israel.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
This article was sourced from Middle East Eye.
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